Latin-American Studies

    The barrios of Guadalupe and Chavez have institutions of poverty that come from the social, cultural, and political dynamics within the community and also impact on these three similar spheres. As identified by Dohan (2003), there are three institutions in these three barrios. There are specific characteristics that these three institutions hold and affect the live of the people living in the two communities. In relation to this, the institutions of poverty are related with deindustrialization wherein the latter influences poverty in a variety of ways (Dohan, 2003).

The Three Institutions of Poverty
    In the book written by Dohan, there are three institutions of poverty that exists in Guadalupe and Chavez. The institutions include social networks, indigenous organizations, and subcultures (Dohan, 2003, p. 218). Within each of these institutions of poverty, there are several elements that define the distinct role it plays in the community. First, social networks are referred to as the connections that are used by the members of the barrios in search for jobs (Dohan, 2003, p. 218-219). It can be noticed that there are jobs that are seemingly dominated by some ethnoracial groups because of their significant presence measured in terms of numbers.

Second, the indigenous organizations represent the segregation of the people who are given sources of income through illegal means from those who are not (Dohan, 2003, p. 219). The differentiation is based on the locations where most police crackdowns occur. Naturally, the illegal groups would patronize the areas where disturbance from police does not happen or is less likely to happen. To a certain extent, it can be noticed that the selective nature of the police crackdowns is contributory to the existence of the second institution of poverty.

Third, the local subcultures are dictated by the family structure in determining the aid that is to be received (Dohan, 2003, p. 219). The welfare reliance of people is practically dependent on the structure of their family as it also determines their needs. In the real setting, the consumption of the family would have to be based on the number of the members and the role that each one takes.

In general, the race, family structure, and the neighborhood influence the three institutions of poverty mentioned above. The variable of race is emphasized in social networks where certain ethnic races are dominant in some of the jobs. As for the family structure, it is a stark element in local subcultures and is used for determining the aid to be divided among the families. Lastly, the activity of police within certain neighborhoods provides advantages for the illegal organizations.

Operations of the Institutions of Poverty
    There are certain similarities and differences observed in relation to the operations of these institutions in Guadalupe and Chavez. In terms of social networks, both Guadalupes and Chavezs low-wage employment sectors are dictated by the informal social networks built by the people (Dohan, 2003, p. 12). At the center of this informal social network, which is found in the local level, are the popular families and Mexican-American individuals that have their influence in the community, the educational sector, and the workplace (Dohan, 2003, p. 12). However, the social networks in Guadalupe include transnational connections to include the people they know in Mexico as compared to the absence of such in Chavez (Dohan, 2003, p. 12-13). Due to this, the people of Guadalupe saw low-wage jobs as means for upward social mobility. On the other hand, the people in Chavez consider the low-income jobs as a hopeless case or, in the words of Dohan (2003), their economic and social dead ends (p. 13).

    In relation to illegal organizations, both the barrios of Guadalupe and Chaves serve as homes to illegal activities. As for Guadalupe, most of the residents who came from Mexico are involved in the informal economy (Dohan, 2003, p 13). In order for these institutions to continuously operate, the local organizations legalize the activities by erasing the differences between the legal and illegal economies through violent means (Dohan, 2003, p. 13). On the other hand, Chavez residents commonly participate in the illegal economies that cater to illegal goods and services. To ensure that their activities would be sustained, the local organizations in Chavez built institutions that would administer the costs derived for joining the illegal economies, which is a process referred to as normalization (Dohan, 2003, p. 13). By providing them with sources of income, the illegal organizations are considered as means of upward mobility for those who participate in it.

    Lastly, the idea of welfare recipients and subcultures are treated fairly the same in both barrios but with some differences. People living in Chavez and Guadalupe do not consider welfare assistance to be a source of income and those who receive this are considered differently in their society (Dohan, 2003, p. 14). Nonetheless, there is still a great deal of dependence in varying degrees for this type of aid. Considering the great need of people for assistance in Chavez, a long-term dependence on this is observed (Dohan, 2003, p. 14). On the other hand, the people of Guadalupe only consider this as necessary for short periods of time. For the people in Chavez, even though they see welfare assistance negatively, their dependence on it helps them in uplifting their social status but remains very low. On the other hand, the people of Guadalupe considers the dependence on welfare assistance as a picture of downward social mobility.

Being the largest country in Latin America Brazil has been said to be one of the richest countries in terms of culture and history. It is also the only country that speaks Portuguese. This paper takes an in depth look at the history and culture of Brazil in the 20th century. The culture in Brazil has always been known to be diverse unlike many other cultures of the world. The Brazilian society can best be described as a multicultural society as it is composed of many communities some of which include Americans, Italians, and Portuguese among many others (Bakewell, J. 2004).
Brazil was under the rule of Portuguese for more than 300 years. During this period of colonization many settlers from Portugal arrived in large numbers and brought with them their cultural practices in Brazil. The indigenous people of Brazil had close ties with the colonialist and they therefore took up many traits from the Portuguese. Back in the years Brazil would import large numbers of slaves to work for them. Most of the slaves that were imported in Brazil were male slaves. It was also as a result of this slave trade that Brazil ended up having a mixture of races (Bradford, B.1993).
Although Brazil considered as being one of the strongest states due to its cultural and racial diversity some people especially foreigners have said that this is a form of backwardness. It is argued that it is this racial mixture that has led to lack of development in this South American country. During pre-colonial times, the national identity in Brazil was pretty similar to those of other European countries Top positions were accorded to those who were born in Portugal. In terms of power and wealth Brazil was dominated by the small group of elites from Portugal. This group initially owned sugar plantations where the employed slaves of African and Indian origin. Portuguese of humble background belonged to the middle class who were mainly shopkeepers, artisans and foremen (Valdes, M. 2004).
Upon attaining her independence in 1822 many things in Brazil changed. The political and economic life in this country was still dominated and controlled by a small group of elites. However the source of wealth had since changed from sugar to gold. Gold would later be replaced by coffee (Bakewell, 2004). However despite some of these changes that took place, one thing remained the same the large group of Brazilians lived like slaves.
The first census in Brazil took place in the year 1870 with more than half of the population being classified as either black or of mixed ancestry. However later a massive migration of people from Europe helped balance the racial imbalance that characterized Brazil at the time. The practice of slavery was brought to halt in the year 1888 in Brazil. This led to a high number of people migrating to Brazil. The migrants were from all pats of the world Lebanon, Japan and Europe being the main sources of the immigrants (Bradford, B.1993).
After the 2nd World War Brazil embraced assimilation which was common in may countries with large number of immigrants. The concept was that when the second and third generations moved up the ladder of economy they thought of themselves as Brazilians and abandoned their ancestral culture having intermarried with the native people in Brazil. Those Brazilians that are considered contemporary have a couple of things in common. Besides sharing a common culture they also prefer to distinguish themselves in terms of language and ethnic origin (Oliven, R. 1996). Looking at ethnic relations in Brazil one cannot fail to observe the racism that is so widespread. However in Brazil it is not as bad as it maybe in other countries like the U.S but instead it is somewhat subtle. It is this hidden racism that makes it so hard to abolish as it is not easily identifiable.
In Brazil unlike in the U.S. the one drop rule does not exist. The one drop refers to any person who has any black ancestry. In Brazil classification based on race is not only complex but more based on biological reality. To begin with racism in Brazil has never been on blackwhite basis. Instead there are many races that exist in Brazil and there is an accepted name that is used to refer to each race. In this country for one to be considered to belong to a certain race there are many factors that are considered and not only the physical appearance and skin colour. Other key factors include social class and mode of dressing. However it has been argued on several occasions that the racism in Brazil is slowly turning to be like that of the United States which is purely based on skin colour (Valdes, M. 2004).
In light of the foresaid, we can conclude discrimination of Brazil is more based on an individuals social class than their race. It is still remains a subject of discussion on whether the racism in Brazil is purely based on how much one has.

1. Simon Bolvar was one of the most influential leaders of Latin American independence. How did he go about making his argument for Latin American independence and what did he foresee as the challenges that the region would face What was the significance(s) of his vision
    Simon Bolvar was a native of Venezuela but grew to become an international figure. He was credited with helping many Latin American nations gain independence. Simon Bolivar often maintained that he was a liberal, and indeed worked tirelessly to ensure that no person or nation continued to live under oppression. He abhorred oppressive regimes and argued for the cause of freedom for all. He was a supporter of revolutions such as the American Revolution, even though he was not able to agree to the USs attempts at expanding its rule in the Latin American region. He argued that oppressive regimes in the world would never last forever but would face revolts from the people.
    Although he was a staunch supporter of the American Revolution, he was opposed to the way Americans oppressed people who worked for her as slaves. Simon Bolvar often argued that a Latin America under the occupation of Spanish colonialists would never see independence unless the people made a strong resolve to sacrifice greatly for libertys sake. His arguments for the need to have Latin American nations rise to the occasion and sacrifice for the sake of their nations got people thinking. He was a believer in not only freedom from physical oppression but also intellectual freedom, arguing that the Americans succeeded much because they were clever. His arguments for the need for liberation of people drew many people to him, with many volunteering to join him in his campaigns against occupation forces in Grenada, Haiti, and his native Venezuela.

2. What sort of rupture did independence provide for Latin America (and Latin Americans) What changed What remained the same Discuss the legacies of colonialism in the post-independence era, making sure to also include a discussion of the colonial period for comparison purposes.
    Colonialism usually was a time in the history of the Americas when there was no freedom whatsoever on what to do and how to act. The powers that ruled over the region were solely responsible for all decisions the work of the people was to obey. Any failure to follow these usually oppressive laws was punishable. There was no freedom of choice for people but all matters were dictated by the rulers. These laws were not set by the citizen but the colonial masters who sought to have total control of everything in the nations where they ruled. In essence, Spanish law became the law of the land and the law that was in place was done away with. All movements of the people were monitored with a view to ensure that all came under control of the colonial masters.
    Basic civil liberties were denied, including the right to offer opinion and the right to assemble. In fact there was a lot of crackdown on assemblies of people since the view was that it as in such assemblies that dissidence was bred. With the coming of independence, a lot of these yokes were lifted. The most notable freedom that came with independence was freedom to move and assemble without any fear, and the freedom to choose the form of leadership that people desired. The law of the land was what guided the way forward and the operations of the nations as opposed to foreign Spanish law that as dictatorial. The entire region, upon independence, became free to choose their way of governance. It was a matter of individual states choosing to operate as they saw it best and not being run corporately by one power.

3. The philosophy of Liberalism provided Latin America with the language of independence. For the vast majority of the population, however, this was a problematic philosophy at best. Discuss how it was that people like Angela Batallas (among others) were able to use liberalism to their advantage.
    Liberalism is the form of existence or life where people, regardless of their race, skin color or any other factor, live free from any undue form of control over their activities and operations. It is a life that is totally free from controls except those put in place by the people themselves. Liberalism is seeking to free oneself from oppressive forces in which one finds oneself. Liberalism has its origin in the people themselves. It is the power of the people to decide what they want and how and when they want it. Liberalism is derived from the ability of the people to muster enough courage and prepare well enough to sacrifice and face the situation that is oppressing them.
    It comes from a resolve and a will. It stems from a desire deep within people to see a society that is free from oppression, dictatorship, and all other forms of unjustifiable controls over their lives. The outcome of seeking to be free is the freedom that one will get. Although liberalism does not come free of charge but must be paid for, the price is worth paying because great benefits come with it. Liberalism brings about both physical and mental release, and sets one totally free. A freed person can plan for the future, can understand what is right, and can help others. However, a person living in slavery or confinement of any form is essentially under manipulation and cannot be of much value to society. Angela Batallas and other people, specifically those who had been enslaved, managed to use liberalism to their benefit. Although a slave, she insisted on being allowed to have audience with the liberator, the one who was regarded as the source of this kind of freedom, Simon Bolvar. This meeting inspired her and the others, and enhanced their fight for freedom.

4. Cuba presents an interesting counterpoint to the independence of the rest of Spanish America. Discuss the factors that contributed to Cuban independence and those that hindered the development of the movement. How was Cuban independence similar to other independence movements in Latin America How was it different
    The independence of Cuba from the Spaniards was mainly as a result of the US discontent at the oppressive nature of the Spanish colonial masters. Apart from the commonly observed dictatorship, it emerged that the dissidents were being hurdled to Spanish-run concentration camps for torture and even annihilation. The resulting enmity between the US and Spain ensured that Cuba had a close ally and that its independence in the region would come much earlier than anticipated. The Cuban movement, unlike the independence movements in other Latin American nations, was not so much a military one. The movement used tactics such as destruction of property owned by the Spaniards, a factor that has been cited as having led to the invention of the dreaded concentration camps designed to punish those who failed to collaborate. Unlike in other countries, the movement was supported greatly by the United States in her war with Spain that ended only after Spain agreed to let go of the island nation. The other unique feature of the independent movement in Cuba is that it never really delivered full independence to the people but only a change f colonial master from Spain to the US.

5. What are the characteristics of neocolonialism in Latin America When and where do we see evidence of this condition What were the consequences Use specific examples to discuss the economic and ideological components of neocolonialism.
    Neocolonialism as used in the sense of the Latin American context refers to the deliberate involvement of some nations that are usually more powerful in all, most, or some of the affairs of another nation which has less power to repulse the invader, or which is enticed by certain benefits. This involvement of foreign nations in the affairs of other countries is sometimes after the powerful country has been a past colonial power in the country and still exercises some form of control even after the official end of colonialism. Power structures in Latin America has entailed the tendency to have and authority vested in a given individual, group of people or country who then make all or most decisions on behalf of the remainder of the people.
    Power structures in the region have been characterized by both outside governments imposing direct or indirect rule in the affairs of another country. In this instance, the US has been very much involved in the affairs of countries like Cuba, Colombia, Honduras, and Mexico. In other instances, powerful groups within a country are able to exercise power over the rest of the country or a section of it. In Cuba, the United States of America still exercises economic control by restricting capital flows to the country for its failure to adopt democratic rule. Britain still exercises control over countries in Latin America like Honduras through the reliance on the regions wealth. Raw materials, especially oil, have been a major driver of former colonial masters into these countries. The oil sector is dominated by British and American companies, leaving the locals dependent on them. The USs continued presence in the affairs of Venezuela is a notable, and only recently has this move been met with resistance from President Hugo Chavez.

6. The Cuban revolution had various consequences outside of Cuba, not all of them foreseen. Discuss the significance of the Cuban revolution for the rest of Latin America. What was the extent of its influence on social movements and government actions outside of Cuba What were the limitations of its influence
    The desire for independence drove most Latin Americans to engage in revolutions not necessarily to inflict terror on anyone but an attempt to free themselves from the tentacles of colonialism that came with oppression. Although the Cuban revolution overthrew Batista, it was in the real sense an overthrow of the US. Having come much early in 1959, the Cuban Revolution made other Latin American nations that were under oppressive regimes to more than before seek to overthrow them. Another significance of the Revolution is that it greatly contributed to a reversal of US foreign policy in the Latin American region.
    The US came to understand that its policies were not welcome as much in the region. When Fidel Castro ascended to power, his communist ideologies spread fairly rapidly to other nations in the region. Venezuela is especially a country whose anti-US policies were inspired during the Cuban revolution. The economic sanctions that were imposed on cub after the revolution played a big role in shaping the economy of the entire region. Reduced remittances from the US brought an economic lapse in Cuba and other countries. In retaliation to the sanctions, the export of oil from the region, especially from Venezuela, was cut or reduced, bringing about great economic losses. After the Cuban Revolution, there was a tendency by Castro to oppress the people. As a result, the neighboring states had to deal with a surging number of Cuban migrants. As a role model to dissident guerilla groups, the revolution caused a surge in guerilla activities and general rebellion against ruling powers. Student unrest in the region increased. Cuban influence outside was brought under check by the USs continued campaign of anticommunism and increased economic and military support for nations that were opposed to Cuban ideologies. Poverty resulted from such guerilla activities and most nations experienced economic inequalities among its people.

7. Discuss the Dirty War in Argentina. What was the legacy of the violence and how did the population deal with the terror that ensued
    The Dirty War was a campaign of terror that was inflicted on the citizens of Argentina in the efforts by the then military rulers to crack down on guerilla fighters who were opposed to the rule off the military and were waging a campaign to have democratic governance instituted in the country. The campaign, however, did not entirely focus on the leftist guerillas alone but also on all those who were suspected to be their sympathizers. This military campaign was led by Rafael Videla, starting in 1976 and only coming to an end with the restoration of democratic governance in 1983. This campaign was characterized by illegal arrests of people by the police and the military, killing of innocent people, the mysterious and frequent disappearance of people, especially leaders of political movements opposed to the rule of the military junta, and the torture of people. The military junta did not care who was who, unless one was a supporter of their reign in power. By 1979, it was approximated that as many as 15000 people, including civilians, had either been killed, abducted, were missing, or had been tortured.
    On the overall, it is believed that the terror campaign led to the death or disappearance of between 9,000 and 30,000 people. The actions of the army and the police had been sanction by the military leadership, declaring a war on the left-wing adherents in the country. The legacy of the Dirty War was in the manner the killings were done with a lot of impunity. It was no longer a secret what was happening, but any opposition meant and support for the left-wing guerillas and were met with brutal force. Latin Americans today are wary of terror. The memories of the events in Argentina are still fresh in their minds, and to them terror is one of the worst forms of human torture. Although the terror campaign was aimed at repressing the dissidence of the people, it actually enhanced their resolve to help bring to an end military rule and return to democratic rule. This is demonstrated by the election of a democratic government in 1982.